Mark Doty: Life and Career Essay

Doty was born in Maryville, Tennessee, earned his Bachelor of Arts from Drake University in Des Moines, Iowa, and received his Master of Fine Arts in creative writing from Goddard College in Vermont. In 1989, his partner Wally Roberts tested positive for HIV,[1] which drastically changed Doty’s writing. Roberts’s death in 1994 inspired Doty to write Atlantis. Heaven’s Coast: A Memoir also deals with this subject and received the PEN/Martha Albrand Award for First Nonfiction. [2] In 1995, he was the first American poet to win the  £10,000 T.S. Eliot Prize for Poetry, for his book My Alexandria. The book was also a finalist for the National Book Award and the winner of the 1993 Los Angeles Times Book Prize for Poetry and the National Book Critics Circle Award. Doty also received a 1994 Whiting Writers’ Award. Look more:  mark twain satire essay He has written twelve books of poetry and three memoirs. Firebird told the story of his childhood in the American South and in Arizona. Dog Years was a memoir of the lives of two of his dogs who Doty had while dealing with the death of his partner and the devastation of 9-11. Louise Erdrich praised the book as being â€Å"about dogs, that is to say, about everything we cannot talk about†¦ the ‘unsayable’ about our relationships with animals, and about unspeakable times of loss, Dog Years is not a dark book. It is illuminated from within by gorgeous wonder.† Dog Years is the winner of the 2008 American Library Association Stonewall Book Awards Israel Fishman Non-Fiction Award. His last book of poetry Fire to Fire: New and Selected Poems won the 2008 National Book Award for Poetry.[3] He lives in New York City and Fire Island, New York. He was the John and Rebecca Moores Professor in the graduate program at The University of Houston Creative Writing Program. He has also participated in The Juniper Summer Writing Institute at the University of Massachusetts Amherst’s MFA Program for Poets & Writers and was on the faculty of the Bread Loaf Writers’ Conference in August 2006. He is the inaugural judge of the White Crane/James White Poetry Prize for Excellence in Gay Men’s Poetry. Doty is a judge for the 2013 Griffin Poetry Prize. He now teaches at Rutgers University. His husband since 1995 is the writer Paul Lisicky.

Assessment Task †Health and Safety Mu 2.4

MU 2. 4 1. 1 Understanding your role in contributing to children and young people’s health and safety is a priority. As a new member of staff your line manager will need to know how you can apply this in your work setting. You have been asked to produce information that includes: †¢an outline of the health and safety policies and procedures of the work setting Health & Safety Policies †¢Protective clothing to be warn when necessary for example, wearing gloves when administering medical aid to children. i. e. If child fell over and bleeding put gloves on. †¢If an accident occurs write down in accident book. No matter how small the injury is. With a double signature from staff and end of the day by parents †¢Medical Records. Only prescription drugs to be added and our policy match Schools. †¢Making sure the gate is always shut on the entrance to the kitchen area so the children can’t go in and get hurt or burnt. †¢All cleaning products are locked away in the kitchen area. †¢Fire exits always clear and known to staff and back exit gate key on hook if needed. Making sure children wash their hands after the toilet and before eating. †¢Continual risk assessment of new and on-going tasks and areas of the children’s surroundings. i. e. If I see an overhanging bramble/branch in the garden, I would need to cut it off and mention it to the manger before children can play. †¢If there were objects that could cause unnecessary accidents they would need picking up. If there was lots of mess on the floor like paper that would need to be cleaned up to avoid slips. This would be the same if there was water spilt and the manager would need to be informed. †¢Making sure all the rooms are ventilated so the children don’t get over heated and the it not to cold either. †¢Staff to child ratio on walks would be one adult to two children with the nursery that can increase to one adult to eight children. †¢Volunteers and staff are all CRB checked before working with the children. †¢Front door and gates always locked. †¢First aider always known and first aid boxes located around the setting but secure from the children.

Physical Security in Different Situations Assignment

Physical Security in Different Situations - Assignment Example It is evident that only negative outcomes result from the scenario in discussion both indirectly and directly. A complex system developed by the Federal Reserve System is vital for ensuring continuity of the bank’s operations because it minimizes the possibilities of negative impacts resultant from the disastrous scenario. In this case, economic development and security on finances of the society is at a minimum in comparison to lack of the complex system. Continuity of operations eliminates unemployment of personnel in the wake of the disaster and offers financial security on resources belonging to its clients and investors. The development of the system is an approach referred to as disaster preparedness. It allows efficient management of the discussed scenario while aiming to achieve a smooth transition from response to the disaster through to sustained recovery transition. An immediate consequence of the bombing, classified as a complex emergency, is the loss of lives and injury of individuals present at the time of attack. The damage of the available resources and assets of the Federal Reserve is an immediate consequence of the scenario as well. On the other hand, indirect effects of the disaster in discussion include the loss of both local and foreign investors from the Federal Reserve. The banking system collapses for this matter and economic depression sets in. In the long-term, the working force of the nation is retrenched due to economic depression. Consequently, the unemployment rate is on the rise while the purchasing power of the consumer decreases because of inflation of goods and services. Crime as a vice stems from the fore mentioned consequence. The security of the nation is then compromised. One negative consequence produces a ripple effect to the nation as an economy.  

Phil Company Limited Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Phil Company Limited - Essay Example The company belongs to the Electronics and Information technology industry. Currently, the company is owned by Phil Samuel, Dick Harry, and other eight partners. The company uses cutting edge technology in designing and manufacturing electronic products like television sets, microwaves, radios, computer hardware and cell phones. Phil has been in the electronic manufacturing industry for the last four years. Improved market share in both the domestic and international consumer environments is as a result of the company's performance and experience in the manufacturing process. Phil manufactures electronics based on orders placed by retailers in the market. The company’s total employee population stands at 2000, both in the US and Jamaican manufacturing sites. Phil’s Mission Statement Phil’s vision is to become the leading manufacturer and marketer of electronic products both in the US and all over the world. We strive to respond to the market demands and consumers ’ needs by adjusting appropriately to the technological dynamics prevailing in the industry. We are aiming at responding to consumers’ needs by considering the dynamics and fluctuations in the economic sector. The company’s financial objectives are to maximize profits, optimize the net worth, increase share value and plough back the earnings into initiating wealth growth. Phil works towards providing excellent and outstanding services in terms of product and service qualities. The company will stick to the ethical code of conduct at all times and strive to perform their social responsibilities in one heart (Philip & Michael, 2009). Potential International Market Africa is one of the potential foreign markets for the company’s electronic products. In the recent past, African countries have come to embrace information technology products in their markets. International market research statistics shows that Africa is the leading market of electronic products in the world. In addition, the political systems in the continent have improved over the past years. Most nations in Africa have a functioning democratic government. Therefore, this market has a favorable political climate. African countries are highly populated. Therefore, the high population signifies a potentially large market for the company’s products. Moreover, African nations are at the stage of discovering and mining their natural resources like oil and other minerals. This has improved their macro-economic aspects of living standards and employment rates. Therefore, a substantial percentage of the continent’s population has a high purchasing power. These factors make the continent a potential market segment for the company’s products (Philip & Michael, 2009). Marketing Plan Audience The general public and the shareholders are the potential audiences for the company’s marketing plan. Since the company belongs to 10 individuals, it would be approp riate to supplement a marketing plan to  these stakeholders. In addition, government authorities and financial institutions are the other potential audience of the marketing plan. All these three audiences have different needs concerning the contents of the marketing plan. The disparity in their needs is as a result of the different roles played by the three parties during the implementation of the plan. In this case, the ten shareholders need to evaluate the feasibility of the identified segment in terms of profits from the market (Dennis, 2010). In addition, the shareholders want to

The Impact of the Euro Since its Launch Dissertation

The Impact of the Euro Since its Launch - Dissertation Example The currency had also to revive itself from the initial downturn it suffered and later to sustain the growth achieved by it as an international currency. This paper presents the major advantages and disadvantages of the currency as a single currency and the impact it created on the various economic fronts since its inception. The major purpose of introduction of Euro was to take on the challenges of competition posed by the growing attitude of globalization. The other object envisaged by the European Union through the introduction of Euro was to overcome the barriers imposed by the diversities posed by the different economies. These diversities are caused by the conflicting monetary and fiscal policies of the various governments and the multifarious tariffs and restrictions placed on trade and investment. Before the introduction of Euro the euro-zone currencies were greatly influenced by the rise or fall in the rate of US dollar. The introduction and existence of euro has led to the positive impact of alleviating the financial crisis faced by the euro-zone countries since 1998. Further positive effects of the common European currency in the form of price stability, cheaper and better banking facilities, increase in the competitiveness of the industrial enterprises and welfare of the consumers in general have resulted during the last 8 years of the existence. Most generally the vastness of the European internal market with a single currency made Europe a potential competitor to the market of the US.

The Boston Tea Party Article Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 2

The Boston Tea Party - Article Example According to the article "The Boston Tea Party", the tea party culminated into the movement that resisted the tea act which had gained grounds in the entire British America. The tea act had been previously passed the British parliament in 1773 with the sole objective of helping the much troubled British Indian company survive the calamity of surplus tea that was taken to the warehouse in London (Tilly 22). Closely related to this was the plan to undercut on the cost of the tea that found their way into the British colonies situated in North America. The intention was to convince the colonists to accept the purchase of tea belonging to the company and which duties were paid, in this way, the parliament right to taxation on the tea was to be endorsed (Tilly 26). The act also permitted the company to access with tea North America region and the right to export duty-free tea emanating from Britain. The severity of the parliament’s act was noted by the colonists in the entire region that consisted of thirteen colonies and was not pleased by the move. Just like it happened in the to the Stamp act of 1765, the provision of the act was equally rejected (Tilly 27). A coalition of furious merchants as well as the artisan initiated the opposition to the act and was determined to resist the distribution and delivery procedures of the tea as stipulated by the parliamentary act. Following this opposition, the company’s legitimate consignees were subjected to continuous harassment and this was coupled the resistance of the tea not to be landed.

Atermath of Katrina, Returning to a Workplace Essay

Atermath of Katrina, Returning to a Workplace - Essay Example My primary concern as an Industrial Hygienist deputed to clean up the hospital in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina would be to prevent or control the spread of infectious diseases such as diarrhea, flu, cold and TB. Because as evidence from similar natural catastrophes suggests, the people returning to New Orleans are likely to suffer from these diseases in the immediate aftermath of Katrina. Gastroenteritis is also likely to be prevalent. Hence I would order my team and also avail of services from other disaster relief personnel and design an basic hygiene awareness program for the hospital. For example, proper hand-washing techniques will be demonstrated to all concerned. Along with practical demonstrations, I would make posters, fliers and email postings to reiterate the proper technique of hand washing. I would place bottles of Gel hand sanitizers at important access points within the hospital. Other infectious diseases that I would try to prevent or control include rashes and skin infections. Once any of these diseases is identified in the surrounding population, it is imperative that diseased individuals are separated from the crowd so as to stop further spread. All the beds and chairs within the hospital will be scanned for fomites. It is advisable to remove soiled cots, mattresses and bed spreads from the premises. (Chew, et. al, 2006) I would also be concerned about the mold and endotoxin levels in the hospital environment. I will involve the two technicians in my team to bring samples and perform tests for ascertaining mold and endotoxin levels. It is imperative that they wear Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) such as respirators. The advice would be to wear elastomeric respirators. Alongside mold and endotoxin level measurement, I would implement the process of deconstruction, which entails removal of soiled and muddied carpets, removal of

Agency Structure Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Agency Structure - Research Paper Example The agency oversees the public lands and minerals. It is accountable for about 264 million acres of the American lands. In the federal administration structure, the agency falls under the Department of Interior, the body entrusted with the supervision and protection federal lands and issues concerning to American citizens. The BLM is an executive department agency with the cabinet secretary accountable for the Interior department monitoring activities of the agency. The Bureau of Land Management budget request jurisdiction lies with the subcommittee on Interior, Environment, and Related Agencies (NARA, 2011). In functional classification of the federal government, the BLM agency’s activities fall under the Natural Resource and Environment section. The section has a responsibility of developing, administering and maintaining the country’s natural resources and surroundings. In this category, the BLM agency lies under the sub-function Conservation and Land management. This agency has a role of managing, building and establishing water and associated resources in the American lands. In the federal structure, the agency falls under the executive arm of the government. The agency is coordinated by the Department of Interior. The Interior cabinet secretary has a direct control over the agency’s activities (Welch, 2010). The U.S government directly funds the agencies’ activities. Bureau of Reclamation is an executive agency. The agency has four main centers, the lower Colorado center, the mid-Pacific center, the Northwest and Upper Colorado region. In the functional classification of the federal government, the Bureau of Reclamation activities falls under the Natural Resource and Environment clause. Within the Natural Resource and Environment section, the Bureau of Reclamation agency lies under the sub-function water resources. The Agency’s fund is utilized in constructing dams, canals and in establishing power stations ( NARA, 20 11). Presently, the

Critically discuss the extent to which Fayol's classic analysis of the Essay

Critically discuss the extent to which Fayol's classic analysis of the management function has largely been made redundant by - Essay Example With the advent of globalization and continuous advancement in technology, it can be viewed that the way business operated decades ago has radically changed. Many critics around the world are developing new theories that are providing much better ways than the theories that were propounded by managerial theorist in the past. It is believed that today’s managerial theories comparatively provide much detailed analysis and suggestions that can help a business in present highly competitive world. Among all Fayolism is a management theory that was developed by the famous French management theorist Henri Fayol. It is believed that though the theorist work as a guideline for administrators the theory contributed and highlights the practises that would be implemented while managing an organization (Wren, & et. al., 2002). The major purpose of this essay is to discuss the extent to which Fayol’s classic analysis of the management function has largely been made redundant by the m ore recent empirical studies of what managers actually do, such as that favoured by Mintzberg. Discussion Management theories are considered to be a vital part of every business association in today’s competitive commercial environment that serve as a road map and standards for accomplishing their broad objectives. It not only provides a blueprint on how business should be operated but also helps in proper management of resources and in formation of measurable aims and objectives for the business organisation. Henri Fayol is considered to be a pioneer in the field of management theories. With Fayol’s work viz. General and Industrial Management, Fayol was considered amongst the best management theorist in the past. However, with the passing time it can be viewed that many experts were largely convinced with the theory propagated by Fayol while some criticised it on certain ground. Among them the contemporary theory propagated by Henry Mintzberg has been largely been com pared with Fayol’s management theory which has resulted in raising question regarding the applicability and acceptability of Fayol’s classic analysis of the management function. The Different Perspectives on Management Taken by Fayol and Mintzberg Description on Fayol’s Work Henri Fayol generally known as the father of administrative management is considered to be amongst the first management theorist that provided business organizations standard way of managing their business effectively that would help them to achieve their goals and objectives smoothly. According to Fayol, all industrial organization consists of six different group of activities including technical which mainly focused on production, manufacture and adaption; commercial which consists of buying, selling and exchanging; financial which concentrated on searching for chances that would help in optimum utilization of resources; security which mainly focused on protecting property and persons; acc ounting which main task was to maintain stock captivating, balance sheets and cost statistics and managerial

Childhood Obesity Essay Example for Free

Childhood Obesity Essay Childhood obesity is a growing health concern nationwide. Obesity is a disorder in which the body fat content has become so high that it creates health problems and increased risk of health problems (Childhood Obesity: An Overview. Children Society, 21(5), 390-396). Doctors agree that there are two primary factors in creating obese children. First, the children and teenagers are not eating the right kinds of foods. Second, Americas children are getting less and less exercise on a daily basis. The effects of childhood obesity can be very serious and often include both physical and psychological effects on the lives of the children who are affected. Children that are obese go through a lot of different situations that allow them to become more prone to a mental illness. There are several causes for childhood obesity. Technology plays a big role in childhood obesity in today’s society. The biggest cause of childhood obesity is the lack of parenting. Childhood obesity can be prevented. It is best to prevent it from happening than to have to obtain a treatment for it. Childhood obesity plays a major impact on children up into adulthood and even has a role in the decisions an individual makes. Children that are obese have physical limitations. Most children usually take a liking into some type of physical activity whether it is playing a sport or just running around the yard for fun. Those actions are the normal expected actions of any child by both society and most of all parents. It is very difficult for a child when he or she is excluded from or limited to a certain amount of a physical activity due to weight related issues. Some children do not take rejection very well in any way, shape, or form. Obese children fall subject to a variety of physical and perceived physical barriers. Living an active lifestyle is difficult for an obese child. Obese children often go through a cycle of inactivity and poor health which creates more and more of a problem. Some of these problems that inactivity and poor health cause include asthma, joint pain and increased musculoskeletal stress, orthopedic problems, and psychosocial morbidity. When it comes to physical activity it is common in obese people to have the feeling of being too heavy in order to perform any physical activities. It is almost impossible for an obese child to just jump into heavy doses of high intensity physical activity. It is preferred that an obese child take a slow approach with light low-intensity physical activities in order to reach a better health. Obesity is associated with early mortality and has overtaken smoking as the health problem with the greatest impact on quality of life, mortality, and morbidity (Canadian Journal Of Psychiatry, 57(1), 13-20). The physical effects are often similar to the effects that are faced by adults who are obese, the psychological effects can sometimes be much, much worse because of the negative impact these issues can place on a still developing child. Mental illness is a significant factor that associates with obesity. Most people hear the term obese and mainly think of it as a physical condition. Obesity can be both physical and mental. From a behavioral perspective, mental illness is often characterized by a symptom profile that impacts energy, appetite, and motivation, and is more likely to be associated with unhealthy lifestyle factors, such as smoking, alcohol, and drug use. This makes exercise and healthy nutritional choices more difficult to implement (Canadian Journal Of Psychiatry, 57(1), 13-20). There is on individual on the face of this earth that smokes, drinks, or uses any recreational drugs that can still perform heavy doses of high intensity activities on a regular basis. The most common mental condition that is found it obese children is low self-esteem. Most people do not realize how much detrimental comments affect these children. The majority of children who are obese are faced with constant and persistent ridicule. The sad part about this situation is that the ridicule does not come from just other children but adults as well. The results of constant ridicule may lead a child to believe that they are worth anything which makes them feel as if there is no reason for them to even try to amount to anything. When anyone has that belief in their head it blocks that person from not caring about their life as a whole. This leads to a variety of problems all on its own. Success is something that may never be strived for by a child or adult that loses the mental battle that comes along with obesity. Studies show that children that are obese are at a higher risk of emotional problems that often carry over into adulthood. The study also reported that obese boys and girls with low self-esteem had higher rates of loneliness, sadness and nervousness. These children were more likely to smoke and drink alcohol compared with obese children with normal self-esteem. Depression, often an outcome of low self-esteem, affects as many as 750,000 teens in the U. S. (Source: Pediatrics, Childhood Obesity and Self-Esteem, January 2000. ) Untreated depression is recently passed upon but is a cause and effect of childhood obesity. Technology is at an all-time high. The technological age has resulted in children spending prolonged hours in front of television (TV) and computer screens. Lots of children are more interested in the technology than the usual interest of physical activity. Television shows, the internet, mobile phones, and video games occupy most children’s attention for great amounts of time every day. The rapid growth of technology is grasping the attention of the youth. The new lifestyle that has taken over the lives’ of the youth leaves little time for them to exercise. This lifestyle reduces the amount of physical activity and it is far from the lifestyle that their parents may have enjoyed many years ago. Parks are not as used as they often were and playgrounds are not as busy as they used to be. All of that is replaced with computers, laptops, handheld games, and anything that involves little or no physical movement. Health researchers suggest no television at all for children aged less than two years and not more than two hours of viewing for children aged more than two years. Most importantly it’s unhealthy to provide your child a separate television or computer in his room. More time spent on television and computer playing video games or computer games means less time spent on healthy physical activities. Nintendo did have one breakthrough when they the WII system to the world. This games forces children to get up out of their seats and move in order to play the game. Children are limited to the use of certain technology while at school, but at home the use of technology is at the discretion of the parent. Most children would rather sit inside all day with technology and constantly intake major calories without burning any. On a daily basis this can add some major pounds and create bad habits. Technology is great to have but it must not be abused by any individual. More than 25 million students use the National School Lunch Program (NSLP) daily, while approximately 7 million utilize the National School Breakfast Program (NSBP) daily. The public school systems have started programs that assure that each child is being fed healthy foods and that each child has the required physical activity to go along with an education. School programs that encourage physical activity are important for increasing childrens energy expenditure; because children are less likely to participate in physical activity in the absence of adult supervision (Am J Public Health. 001;91:618-620). The education and health of children are prominent considerations in the 21st century. Schools have always had a traditional focus on increasing literacy and numeracy proficiency in children, but now they are increasingly being tasked with preventing obesity as well. Regular physical activity is directly implicated in the prevention of childhood obesity; there is evidence, however, that it may also benefit cognitive development(American Journal Of Public Health, 102). Physical education (PE) in schools is an ideal vehicle by which to promote physical activity in children because it is available to all children, and teachers have the opportunity to integrate it into the overall education process (American Journal Of Public Health, 102). The public school system has a major impact on the determination of what children are exposed to. Starting the concern for kid’s health at an early age is a head start for the future. The impact on the lives of kids early may be the influence each child needs in order to make healthy decisions in the run of life. Parenting is the best prevention method that exists today for childhood obesity. Parents may miss or just don’t ever think about the actions that they perform around their kids. Children are followers, so most kids are reflections of their parents. Parents can help prevent obesity by having the knowledge of nutritional facts, by the food available in the household, by the parents’ eating habits, encouragement of activity, parents’ activity pattern, the current weight of the parent and by monitoring the time spent with the new age technology that requires little or no physical movement. Old sayings often make people believe that obesity is genetic. This is not a true statement. Every adult has control over what their physical appearance would be. Children need a good role model physically. Parents are the perfect role models for this job. Parents have the biggest and most effect on the lives of their children. Parents should be very concerned with the health of their children at a very early age. Some of the schools are now offering to the parents a few courses that are very direct about proper nutrition and exercise. Also the lunch menu for the week is sent home in advance to inform the parents of what type of foods and snacks that their children are consuming on a daily basis. People are still in belief when it comes to kids that it is ok for them to eat anything. Proper nutrition plays a very big role in the development of a child , both physical and mental. Keeping the kids in the habit of eating healthy has very great benefits in the long run. The mixture of fast food diets along with sedentary lifestyles is creating a generation of children who are facing very adult health issues like high cholesterol, diabetes and heart disease. Preventing obesity, or even slowing the dramatic rate of increase in obesity prevalence, will probably require societal changes which facilitate the modification of diet and physical activity by children and their families (Childhood Obesity: An Overview. Children Society, 21(5), 390-396). Technology will continue to rise rapidly. Most children are more attracted to prolonged hours of sitting with some type of technology rather than to get up and be active. The society revolves around the use of technology, both mobile and stationary. Public schools are implementing new programs that will reflect the proper nutrition and exercise required for each child. Schools also have the potential to influence students beliefs and attitudes regarding nutrition and weight control. Parents are the best prevention method against obesity. Parents have the control over each and every cause of childhood obesity. Every child looks up to their parent and someday may want to follow in their footsteps. The result of the footsteps each child takes is heavily depended upon the parent.

Effects of Manipulating Individual Identity

Effects of Manipulating Individual Identity Abstract: This study examined how changing the perception of social distance changed the way in which subjects interacted in the Trust Game specifically looking into the social preferences they displayed. A discussion of both economic and sociological research demonstrates the inherent variability of social identity and social distance and the interconnected nature these concepts have with social preferences. A two-stage experiment involving subjects of different nationalities and genders was carried out with a different identity focus in each stage. Findings show that subjects exhibit greater social preferences when interacting with those of a similar focused identity yet the degrees of these preferences displayed vary in accordance to the identity focus. Results suggest that social distance, although easily manipulated, is a powerful force in interactions. The results are consistent with previous studies into group membership, identity, nationality, gender and social preferences. Given this studys far-reaching implications it should be viewed as the premise for future study of this topic. Introduction The concept of social distance as elucidated by Akerlof (1997) is profoundly linked with social identity and social preferences. It is the differences in individuals social identities, including for example, race, gender, class and status, that determine the benefits of interaction and to what extent of social preferences are displayed. Yet when individuals are not entirely familiar with each other, the perception of social identities is based on very few observations and is therefore not entirely accurate. The purpose of this dissertation is to examine whether or not variations in the perception of social identity, and thus social distance, will affect the extent to which social preferences are manifested. Studies on the effect of identity are in no way new. Akerlof and Kranton (2000) studied its relevance and magnitude with regards to gender discrimination in the workplace, poverty and social exclusion, and the household division of labour. Akerlof (1997) also studied the effect of social distance, asserting that the social identity of individuals can substantially affect their interactions. What has not been tested, however, is to what extent identity is merely a perception. Individuals can and do possess multiple identities varying in dominance from situation to situation. The hypothesis of this paper is that social preferences are relevant in experimental games, but these are dependent on how each player perceives the others social identity, a perception that is inherently variable. Players react with varying degrees of self-interest according to the identity they perceive, even when identical character profiles are involved. Recent economic studies fail to sufficiently incorporate current sociological thinking as to the nature of social identity and although this study will give evidence for the relevance of social distance in determining degrees of social preferences, it will attempt to shed light on individuals inconsistent perception of the distance between them. In order to add weight to this position, an experiment was organised in which participants of various profiles were invited to play the Trust Game. Each game was played face-to-face with no verbal communication. The experiment was divided into two stages, a nationality focused stage and a gender focused stage. Each participant played the game twice and never with the same opposing player. Before each game, participants were assigned to certain rooms in which video clips were played depending on the identity focused on. In the first stage, participants were split into three rooms, one for each nationality present: Scottish, English and Chinese. After one play of the Trust Game, the experiment commenced its second stage and participants were split into two rooms, one for each gender, and again asked to play the game. The results show that there is significant variation in the degrees of social preferences displayed depending on the identity being focused on hereafter referred to as the focused identity. When nationality was the focused identity, those with this common identity exhibited greater social preferences than those of differing nationalities, regardless of gender. When gender was the focused identity, those with this common identity exhibited greater social preferences than those of differing gender, regardless, to some extent, of nationality. This lack of consistency shows that the perception of social distance is not a constant through both stages and yet it is still proves to be a determining factor in how players interact. The following content of this paper is arranged into four sections. Section 2 will address the relevant literature with regards to social preferences and identity, showing their relevance, interconnected nature and inherent variability, discussing the application of various theories in the context of this study. Section 3 will describe the design and implementation of the experiment used in this study with the results, analysis and comparisons to similar studies presented in Section 4. An interpretation of these results and further conclusions will be offered in Section 5. Theories of Preferences and Identity To clearly understand the argument presented, a holistic discussion of current theories must be embarked upon. The relevance of social preferences and the forms of their analysis through experimental games will be examined in this section to create the context in which this study is placed. The concepts of identity and how they shape perceptions and interactions will then be considered before discussing their relationship with social preferences. Social Preferences The assumption that man is motivated by self-interest is one that has dominated economic theory and is indeed fundamental to the very ideology of the vast majority of economists. As Adam Smith (1910:13) suggests, It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker, that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own interest. Inherent in this analogy is the implication that self-interest is the primary motivator in our economic interactions, and it is through this impulse that equilibria are formed. In Game Theory, the Nash Equilibrium is obtained by each player assuming the other possesses purely selfish motives. This assumption, however, is not always consistent with reality. Many factors influence an individuals decisions and it is evident that the maximisation of material gain is not always a dominating motivation. Some of the factors influencing an individuals decisions can relate to social status, group membership, inequity aversion, reciprocity, s pite, envy, altruism and identity. These factors form a preference set, referred to in this study as social preferences. Although the theory of self-interest has been ingrained in traditional economics, modern economists have increasingly questioned this supposition. In fact the traditional authors of this theory were also wary of its realism. Even though Edgeworth (1881:16) writes that the first principle of Economics is that every agent is actuated only by self-interest, he concedes that Man is, in reality, for the most part an impure egoist, a mixed utilitarian, (Edgeworth 1881:104). It is evident that we are influenced by unselfish motives in our interactions with others and it follows that these interactions will in many circumstances involve material profit and loss. This is the realm of social preferences. Amartya Sen (1977:336), in his seminal paper on the irrationality of traditional preference theory states that the purely economic man is indeed close to being a social moron. He argues that theories that do not encompass the influence of sympathy and our commitment to it are incomplete. It is the result of this basic emotion that our social norms, laws and codes of conduct are formed and without which no society would be feasible (Johansen 1977). In various studies into social preferences, it is seen that they are comprised of multiple aspects. Reciprocity, inequity aversion, altruism and trust are all basic components of this preference set (Andreoni et al. 2002). When kindness or animosity is shown, the impulse exists to reciprocate in like manner. When inequity exists, the urge exists to rebel against it. Altruism is the virtue that depends on no form of expected gain or reciprocity, the purest form of good will. Trust is the confidence in the future actions of another and is arguably the most variable of the social preferences and one that will be revisited in this study. Each of these attributes are far from abstract philosophical concepts, exert great influence on our economic interactions. Agell and Lundberg (1995) discovered that as a result of workers being influenced by fairness and equity customs, wage cuts were often unprofitable, with workers objecting to an unfair action. This can have a direct impact on the extent that a company vertically integrates, with out-sourcing often being far more viable given the reciprocal attitude of workers. Bewley (1999) also noted that a firms policy can affect worker morale and as such companies must take into account the perceived fairness of their policies. The extent of tax evasion has also been correlated to how fair it is perceived, and in fact the entire structure of tax systems are thoroughly debated and altered according to the principles of equity and merit (Seidl and Traub 2002). The perception of unreciprocated generosity has been one of the causes of the general reduction in support from the US w elfare state. People are disinclined to support welfare structures that give the impression that they are helping a poor segment of society that refuse to help themselves, content to live off the goodwill of others (Bowles and Gintis 2000). Fukuyama (1995) also correlates economic prosperity with higher levels of trust, suggesting that social preferences are a very powerful force even in the current global economic system. Sequential games Although the examples given are wide-ranging in scope, involving relatively large economic issues, social preferences have also been proven to have a significant effect on individual interactions. Previously experimental games have been used to prove the dominating forces of self-interest, the equilibria of these experiments being calculated by assuming that all agents were exclusively self-interested (Fehr and Schmict, 2001). Recently, economists have carried out several experiments involving non-cooperative games that contradict this presumption. Guth, Schmittberger and Schwarze (1982) were among the first to create a game that did just this. It is called the Ultimatum Game. There are two players in the game, one a Proposer and one a Responder. The Proposer must divide an amount of money X between the two players, offering the Responder any amount Y = X. If Responder accepts, the Proposer receives the remaining money X – Y, if they reject, both receive nothing. Under self-interested preferences, the efficient equilibrium is the one in which the Proposer gives the least amount possible to the Responder, who will accept any amount. In reality however, offers of less than a fifth of X are rejected about half time and Proposers anticipating this generally offer around 30 to 50 percent of X (Hoffman et al. 1996). This result clearly shows that factors other than self-interest are at play. It would be reasonable to assume that altruism and reciprocity both play a part in the decision-making process of both players. The Proposer may be influenced by a code of morals and a concept of fairness to offer more than the standard equilibrium distribution. The P roposer must also take into account the Responders sense of reciprocity and animosity towards a seemingly unfair distribution. Although the Responder is under no monetary incentive to reject a low offer, yet his social preferences mean that he is able to achieve some utility by spiting the Proposer, thereby valuing a certain amount of reciprocity over monetary value. Given the fact that the Proposers actions may be driven only by the fear of reciprocity and no sense of altruism, it is worthwhile to look into the Dictators Game first introduced by Kahneman et al. (1986) and refined by Forsythe et al. (1994). In this game, the Responder, now called the Recipient, is not given the option to accept or refuse the amount given by the Proposer. If the Proposer is motivated by self-interested alone, they will offer nothing to the Recipient but as many experiments have shown, this is not always the case. Henrich et al. (2001) find that in most dictator game experiments there is a primary mode offer of zero percent of the Proposers total wealth and a secondary mode offer of 50 percent. Some groups show a primary mode offer of 20 percent and a secondary mode of 50 percent providing strong evidence of inequity aversion. In addition to supporting the notion that man is not exclusively self-interested, studies also confirm that fear of reciprocity is present i n the Ultimatum Game and that Proposers apply backwards induction with average offers being lower in the Dictator Game (Roth et al. 1991). The Trust Game, developed by Berg et al. (1995) is a game that can be used to test the presence of altruism, inequity aversion, reciprocity and its namesake, trust. The game is played with an Investor and a Trustee, with the former being given an initial endowment of X and the latter given nothing. The Investor is then able to give any amount Y between 0 and X. The amount the Trustee receives will be tripled, amounting to 3Y. The Trustee is then given the option to give any amount Z between 0 and 3Y back to the Investor thereby making the payoffs of the Investor and the Trustee X – Y + Z and 3Y – Z respectively. The Trustee is under no monetary incentive to return any amount and as such, under strictly self-interested preferences the Investor will predict this and give the Trustee nothing but, as with the Ultimatum and Dictator Games, studies show that many players of the Trust Game deviate from this equilibrium. Berg et al. (1995) find that almost all Investors give so me amount of money to the Trustee and that a substantial number of Trustees return at least the same amount and that a third even returned more than they received. The amount returned also increases with the amount given thus supporting the theory that reciprocity is an integral part of many preference sets. Investors and Trustees are able to display inequity aversion by choosing to give or return amounts that will equalise final payoffs. Trustees can also display altruism by returning anything over and above the amount needed to equalise payoffs. It is interesting to note that there is substantial variation in the amounts given, with no clear average amount entrusted. The variation is not unsurprising, however, given the inherent inconsistency in levels of trust that individuals demonstrate in their interactions with various individuals. In society, trust placed in an individual is dependent on who that individual is or, in other terms, trust placed is dependent on the perceived id entity of the individual in question. Identity Identity, at its most fundamental level, is at the base of all human interaction. For an individual to interact with another, the individual must have a clear concept of both himself and of the other. It is in the consideration of these two concepts that decisions are made. Descartes (1912:167) famously stated †¦I think, therefore I am, and in doing so sparked off the philosophical debate on what truly directs our thoughts and actions. Hume (1888) further develops this by exploring our perception of ourselves, our identity. It was his belief that we can only perceive ourselves, and build our identity, by categorisation in the light of selected characteristics and never perceive our true reality in objective terms. It is out-with the bounds of this study to discuss in depth the sociological and psychological complexities of this topic, yet it is worth-while bringing to light some key concepts to further the understanding of the interactions between this studys participants. An identity is a tool of recognition. It allows us to recognise individuals, categories, groups and types of individuals, Wiley (1994:130). More than this, it is also a tool of categorisation and emotional cues. It implies a conscious awareness by members of a group, some positive or negative emotional feelings towards the characteristics which members of a group perceive themselves as sharing and in which they perceive themselves as differing from others, Mennell (1994:177). Goffman (1968) further expounds these aspects of recognition by dividing identity into three sections: the personal identity, the ego identity and the social identity. The personal identity is the unique identification that each individual possesses to differentiate themselves technically, legally and realistically from all others. The ego identity is a purely subjective observation that is built from a multitude of social experiences and is a sense of ones own particular state and nature. The social identity pr ovides a way of categorising people and connects each person with a set of attributes and characteristics thought to be in keeping with the members of their respective categories. Individuals that possess commonalities in the form of thought, action, nature, experience or lifestyle can all be grouped into various social identities. Examples of social identities are nationality, gender, music-taste, age, profession and political views. It is important to stress that while individuals may only hold one personal and ego identity, they are able to juggle multiple social identities which have varying degrees of focus from situation to situation. Akerlof and Kranton (2000) put forward the theorem that our perception of our ego identity can have a significant influence on our decisions and actions. Their theorem sheds light on a number of seemingly irrational choices. Actions that are of apparent detriment to an individual can be viewed as a form of behaviour that it used to create a more unique self identity. Similarly, steps may be taken to symbolise the assumption of a particular identity or the membership of a certain group, be they conscious or otherwise. Men do not generally wear dresses, and as such this behavioural code is unconsciously subscribed to by the majority of men. Any behaviour to the contrary poses a challenge not merely to the social norm, but to the identity of manhood itself. Attempts to manipulate an individuals decisions can be based on the notion of identity. In order to influence people to buy their products, companies create advertisements that often show a stylised form of a particular identity that people may aspire to. Finally, as identity can play such a large role in determining our economic decisions and behaviour, and assuming that individuals can choose their own identity, Akerlof and Kranton (2000) conclude that identity choices can be a major factor in a persons overall economic well-being, a conclusion strengthened by the theory of role-identities. It is difficult to determine to what extent our identity is prescriptive or descriptive in relation to our own actions, but nevertheless the dual concepts of identity and role are deeply interconnected. Lyman and Scott (1970:136) clarify this link by stating that roles are identities mobilised in a specific situation; whereas role is always situationally specific, identities are trans-situational. By assuming an identity, we also assume a role. Despite that the fact that this role varies from situation to situation, it is at all times consistent with the assumed identity. It is from this notion that expectations and metaperspectives are formed. Laing et al. (1966) pioneered the belief that it is not I but you that is important. More specifically they claimed that we are all deeply influenced by considering our view of others view of ourselves and in such a way develop a role-performance that conforms to the expectation others have of our behaviour so as to receive positive feedback o r avoid negative feedback. In order to assess these expectations and act accordingly, we must first judge what these expectations are. With strangers, this is problematic, and as such we orient ourselves toward them in terms only of the ill-specified contours of their social roles, (McCall and Simmons, 1978:70). In this respect, we are only able to form rough estimations of a persons true identity and thereby rely on our perception of how they fit into vague boundaries of social identities. When we perceive people this way, our perception of the attributes they possess as ascribed by their social identity is often completely arbitrary when viewed in the context of an objective character analysis. The perception and reality can at times be poles apart, decreasing in accuracy with increasing social distance. Identities and Social Preferences Akerlof (1997) defined social distance as a measure of social proximity between individuals. The model he created summarises that people gain benefits from interacting to those socially closer to themselves, with these benefits decreasing with isolation. This model is supported by empirical evidence that suggests that trust and reciprocity are linked with social connection and that members of the same nationality and race exhibit greater degrees of these attributes towards one another (Glaeser et al. 1999). A common method of analysing social distance is through the construction of groups in experiments and many studies of this kind have provided quite significant results. Studying the effects of group membership on cooperation, Orbell et al. (1988) find that subjects are far more likely to cooperate with in-group members than out-group members, with 79% of participants showing cooperation with the former and only 30% showing cooperation with the latter. Through using a variation on the dictator game, Frey and Bohnet (1997) also showed how group membership affects social preferences. The experiment observed that in-group members were allocated far more of the total endowment than out-group members suggesting some correlation with membership and altruism and inequity aversion. An important finding of the literature on the topic of group membership is that subjects react to membership in a very subjective manner, disregarding objective considerations. Billing and Tajfel (1973) observe that the even most minimal connections within a group still give rise to in-group positive discrimination. Although subjects realised that the basis of group composition wa s entirely random, they still discriminated toward their fellow members in a very significant way. The fact that the weakest bonds are able to create positive in-group interaction is an important consideration when examining the relation between perceptions of social identity and expressions of social preferences. While group membership is a powerful force, transnational studies have shown that the cooperation inducing group mentality is not a universally consistent attribute. Buchan, Croson and Johnson (1999) find that subjects from the U.S. are more trusting when paired with in-group members but that this is not the case for subjects from China and Japan, who are more trusting in general, regardless of whom they were paired with. Buchan and Croson (1999) also find variations across genders observing that although participants trust men and women equally, women are seen to reciprocate more than men in Trust Games and are more generous in Dictator Games, findings that are consistent internationally. Another consistency that was found across nationalities in this study was the effect that communication between players had on trust and reciprocation levels, a conclusion also mirrored in other experiments. Roth (1995) found that even simple, seemingly irrelevant conversations significantly increa sed the levels of these social preferences. Regardless of variations across nationality, gender and communication levels, it is apparent that there is a clear connection between identity and social preferences. As we categorise individuals into social categories, we not only presume they possess certain qualities and attributes but we also predict how they react. In the same way we use metaperspectives to shape our own actions based on vague notions of the social identities of others, we also use these imperfect images to form inherently imperfect expectations of future interactions. The perception and reality can at times be irreconcilable and yet any initial interaction uses this as its basis. McCall and Simmons (1978) put forward the idea that any interaction that takes place is solely based on images that are constructed in the minds of those interacting. Taking into account the inaccuracy of these constructs when strangers interact, we can see how this translates into the laymans term of prejudice, a concept closely linke d with trust. The concept of trust, as mentioned earlier is based on confidence and at the heart of confidence is a deep reliance on predictions and expectations which are in turn based on the rough identities that we perceive others to possess. This results in great variance in trust levels which, although proven in studies referred to above, is readily seen in everyday life. Trust can be unquestioned with interactions with family members and friends but displayed with lesser and lesser extents to strangers and those who we perceive as untrustworthy. Just as signalling is used in the employment markets, so it is in our trust-dependant interactions. One may ask a well-dressed, polite and friendly stranger to watch over some personal belongings in a library but may be loath to leave anything unattended when in the presence of hooded youth. The hood can be seen as a signal that the wearer is dangerous and cannot be trusted. It is perceived as the expression of an identity, the perception of which ca n influence our attitudes and behaviour. The studies above also show that identity can greatly affect reciprocity, inequity aversion and altruism. Experiments based around group membership, however minimal, show the great influence groups have on these social preferences. One explanation of this is the concept of metaperspectives, in that individuals are more generous in experimental games because they believe that their counterpart expects them to be. Akerlofs (1997:1008) model of social distance also sheds some light on this by theorising that individuals benefit from lesser amounts of social distance between them and thus have the incentive to conform to expectations, what he labels The Conformist Model. A reduction of social distance between players can also be achieved by perceived acts of kindness and so experimental game players may be willing to sacrifice monetary gains so as to achieve social gains with another player. This incentive however, is again based on social distance and those players who feel socially far apart may feel no need to become socially closer, a feeling that is ultimately merely based on their perception of the current social distance and social identities. Two significant ways in which individuals identify themselves and others is by their nationality and gender. At the outset of mankinds evolution, gender has been a universal divider of the human race, preceding all other identities. Rooted in our biology, gender is the simplest form of classification, but its implications are far more wide-reaching than simple physiology. To the opposite sex, gender implies certain generalised roles, attitudes, commitments, experiences and lifestyles. The source of such clear social stereotypes is only in part biological and many academics are of the belief that behavioural and psychological differences are created and perpetuated by unbalanced power and privilege structures in society (Flax 1990). The amplification of social distance is caused by the notion that qualities are gender specific, with masculinity and femininity being attributes in themselves, and the fact that men and women are commonly associated with their relative positions in both f amily life and work life. Lockheed (1985) supposes that women are conceived as compliant followers and men dominant leaders only because of the common minority and majority balance that is common in social and work situations. The large disparity between the social identity and actual realities of members of the opposite sex provides a good opportunity to explore to what extent interaction is based on unqualified perceptions and to map the effect of variations in this perception. Unlike gender identities, nationalism is a relatively new force in the world (Smith 1995). It can be seen as a group identity that has transcended some cultures, as seen in the ethnically diverse nations such as India and Russia, but divided others as seen in the cases of North and South Korea and the Taiwanese and Chinese separation and is manifested in positive discrimination towards fellow nationals and negative discrimination towards foreigners (Macesich, 1985). Breton (1964:378) notes that governments utilise nationalistic instruments†¦ for the purpose of increasing the share of assets in a given assets in a given territory owned by the nationals of that territory. Breton (1964) also observes that nationalistic redistribution of investment and capital results in a lower rate of return than would be realised if resources were allocated efficiently, an observation that draws parallels with the nature of social preferences on a much larger scale. The practice of promoting thes e nationalistic policies that are not beneficial to certain population segments is centred on the formation of a nation-wide group identity that promotes solidarity in the same way that smaller scale groups do. The membership of these nation-groups is defined according to several commonalities. Members share an economy, a historic territory, myths and memories, a public culture, and a set of legal rights (Smith 1991). What is clear from this definition is the lack of consistent personal characteristics, illustrating that members of a nation-group vary considerably in their social and personal identities. The minimal nature of the nation-group is accepted by many academics, some seeing nationalism as an ironic tool that encourages members to appreciate things that are national for the mere fact that it is national (Breton 1964). Karl Deutsch (1969:3) aptly described a nation as a group of people united by a common error about their ancestry and a common dislike of their neighbours, evoking the notion that national identity is a predominately social construct inaccurately perceived to be connected to common characteristics, descent and preferences. (Smith 1996) stresses that the perception of ones own nationality and that of others is inherently only emotional, implying a subjective disregard for objective considerations that results in large social distances between foreigners and nationals, and smaller social distances between nationals. However erroneous, the very substantial influence nationality exerts can be seen through the stereotypical actions of distrusting of foreigners and supporting fellow country-men, making nationality another excellent candidate identity to examine how variations in perceived identity cause variations in the social preferences displayed. Experimental Design and Implementation It is social identity and its inherently variable quality that is at the heart of this study. It is this studys aim to discover in what way the perception of this identity can affect the extent that social preferences are displayed and whether or not a shift of focus from one form of social identity to another will cause a change in degree of social preferences manifested. Given its ability to expose these preferences, an extension of the Trust Game is used Effects of Manipulating Individual Identity Effects of Manipulating Individual Identity Abstract: This study examined how changing the perception of social distance changed the way in which subjects interacted in the Trust Game specifically looking into the social preferences they displayed. A discussion of both economic and sociological research demonstrates the inherent variability of social identity and social distance and the interconnected nature these concepts have with social preferences. A two-stage experiment involving subjects of different nationalities and genders was carried out with a different identity focus in each stage. Findings show that subjects exhibit greater social preferences when interacting with those of a similar focused identity yet the degrees of these preferences displayed vary in accordance to the identity focus. Results suggest that social distance, although easily manipulated, is a powerful force in interactions. The results are consistent with previous studies into group membership, identity, nationality, gender and social preferences. Given this studys far-reaching implications it should be viewed as the premise for future study of this topic. Introduction The concept of social distance as elucidated by Akerlof (1997) is profoundly linked with social identity and social preferences. It is the differences in individuals social identities, including for example, race, gender, class and status, that determine the benefits of interaction and to what extent of social preferences are displayed. Yet when individuals are not entirely familiar with each other, the perception of social identities is based on very few observations and is therefore not entirely accurate. The purpose of this dissertation is to examine whether or not variations in the perception of social identity, and thus social distance, will affect the extent to which social preferences are manifested. Studies on the effect of identity are in no way new. Akerlof and Kranton (2000) studied its relevance and magnitude with regards to gender discrimination in the workplace, poverty and social exclusion, and the household division of labour. Akerlof (1997) also studied the effect of social distance, asserting that the social identity of individuals can substantially affect their interactions. What has not been tested, however, is to what extent identity is merely a perception. Individuals can and do possess multiple identities varying in dominance from situation to situation. The hypothesis of this paper is that social preferences are relevant in experimental games, but these are dependent on how each player perceives the others social identity, a perception that is inherently variable. Players react with varying degrees of self-interest according to the identity they perceive, even when identical character profiles are involved. Recent economic studies fail to sufficiently incorporate current sociological thinking as to the nature of social identity and although this study will give evidence for the relevance of social distance in determining degrees of social preferences, it will attempt to shed light on individuals inconsistent perception of the distance between them. In order to add weight to this position, an experiment was organised in which participants of various profiles were invited to play the Trust Game. Each game was played face-to-face with no verbal communication. The experiment was divided into two stages, a nationality focused stage and a gender focused stage. Each participant played the game twice and never with the same opposing player. Before each game, participants were assigned to certain rooms in which video clips were played depending on the identity focused on. In the first stage, participants were split into three rooms, one for each nationality present: Scottish, English and Chinese. After one play of the Trust Game, the experiment commenced its second stage and participants were split into two rooms, one for each gender, and again asked to play the game. The results show that there is significant variation in the degrees of social preferences displayed depending on the identity being focused on hereafter referred to as the focused identity. When nationality was the focused identity, those with this common identity exhibited greater social preferences than those of differing nationalities, regardless of gender. When gender was the focused identity, those with this common identity exhibited greater social preferences than those of differing gender, regardless, to some extent, of nationality. This lack of consistency shows that the perception of social distance is not a constant through both stages and yet it is still proves to be a determining factor in how players interact. The following content of this paper is arranged into four sections. Section 2 will address the relevant literature with regards to social preferences and identity, showing their relevance, interconnected nature and inherent variability, discussing the application of various theories in the context of this study. Section 3 will describe the design and implementation of the experiment used in this study with the results, analysis and comparisons to similar studies presented in Section 4. An interpretation of these results and further conclusions will be offered in Section 5. Theories of Preferences and Identity To clearly understand the argument presented, a holistic discussion of current theories must be embarked upon. The relevance of social preferences and the forms of their analysis through experimental games will be examined in this section to create the context in which this study is placed. The concepts of identity and how they shape perceptions and interactions will then be considered before discussing their relationship with social preferences. Social Preferences The assumption that man is motivated by self-interest is one that has dominated economic theory and is indeed fundamental to the very ideology of the vast majority of economists. As Adam Smith (1910:13) suggests, It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker, that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own interest. Inherent in this analogy is the implication that self-interest is the primary motivator in our economic interactions, and it is through this impulse that equilibria are formed. In Game Theory, the Nash Equilibrium is obtained by each player assuming the other possesses purely selfish motives. This assumption, however, is not always consistent with reality. Many factors influence an individuals decisions and it is evident that the maximisation of material gain is not always a dominating motivation. Some of the factors influencing an individuals decisions can relate to social status, group membership, inequity aversion, reciprocity, s pite, envy, altruism and identity. These factors form a preference set, referred to in this study as social preferences. Although the theory of self-interest has been ingrained in traditional economics, modern economists have increasingly questioned this supposition. In fact the traditional authors of this theory were also wary of its realism. Even though Edgeworth (1881:16) writes that the first principle of Economics is that every agent is actuated only by self-interest, he concedes that Man is, in reality, for the most part an impure egoist, a mixed utilitarian, (Edgeworth 1881:104). It is evident that we are influenced by unselfish motives in our interactions with others and it follows that these interactions will in many circumstances involve material profit and loss. This is the realm of social preferences. Amartya Sen (1977:336), in his seminal paper on the irrationality of traditional preference theory states that the purely economic man is indeed close to being a social moron. He argues that theories that do not encompass the influence of sympathy and our commitment to it are incomplete. It is the result of this basic emotion that our social norms, laws and codes of conduct are formed and without which no society would be feasible (Johansen 1977). In various studies into social preferences, it is seen that they are comprised of multiple aspects. Reciprocity, inequity aversion, altruism and trust are all basic components of this preference set (Andreoni et al. 2002). When kindness or animosity is shown, the impulse exists to reciprocate in like manner. When inequity exists, the urge exists to rebel against it. Altruism is the virtue that depends on no form of expected gain or reciprocity, the purest form of good will. Trust is the confidence in the future actions of another and is arguably the most variable of the social preferences and one that will be revisited in this study. Each of these attributes are far from abstract philosophical concepts, exert great influence on our economic interactions. Agell and Lundberg (1995) discovered that as a result of workers being influenced by fairness and equity customs, wage cuts were often unprofitable, with workers objecting to an unfair action. This can have a direct impact on the extent that a company vertically integrates, with out-sourcing often being far more viable given the reciprocal attitude of workers. Bewley (1999) also noted that a firms policy can affect worker morale and as such companies must take into account the perceived fairness of their policies. The extent of tax evasion has also been correlated to how fair it is perceived, and in fact the entire structure of tax systems are thoroughly debated and altered according to the principles of equity and merit (Seidl and Traub 2002). The perception of unreciprocated generosity has been one of the causes of the general reduction in support from the US w elfare state. People are disinclined to support welfare structures that give the impression that they are helping a poor segment of society that refuse to help themselves, content to live off the goodwill of others (Bowles and Gintis 2000). Fukuyama (1995) also correlates economic prosperity with higher levels of trust, suggesting that social preferences are a very powerful force even in the current global economic system. Sequential games Although the examples given are wide-ranging in scope, involving relatively large economic issues, social preferences have also been proven to have a significant effect on individual interactions. Previously experimental games have been used to prove the dominating forces of self-interest, the equilibria of these experiments being calculated by assuming that all agents were exclusively self-interested (Fehr and Schmict, 2001). Recently, economists have carried out several experiments involving non-cooperative games that contradict this presumption. Guth, Schmittberger and Schwarze (1982) were among the first to create a game that did just this. It is called the Ultimatum Game. There are two players in the game, one a Proposer and one a Responder. The Proposer must divide an amount of money X between the two players, offering the Responder any amount Y = X. If Responder accepts, the Proposer receives the remaining money X – Y, if they reject, both receive nothing. Under self-interested preferences, the efficient equilibrium is the one in which the Proposer gives the least amount possible to the Responder, who will accept any amount. In reality however, offers of less than a fifth of X are rejected about half time and Proposers anticipating this generally offer around 30 to 50 percent of X (Hoffman et al. 1996). This result clearly shows that factors other than self-interest are at play. It would be reasonable to assume that altruism and reciprocity both play a part in the decision-making process of both players. The Proposer may be influenced by a code of morals and a concept of fairness to offer more than the standard equilibrium distribution. The P roposer must also take into account the Responders sense of reciprocity and animosity towards a seemingly unfair distribution. Although the Responder is under no monetary incentive to reject a low offer, yet his social preferences mean that he is able to achieve some utility by spiting the Proposer, thereby valuing a certain amount of reciprocity over monetary value. Given the fact that the Proposers actions may be driven only by the fear of reciprocity and no sense of altruism, it is worthwhile to look into the Dictators Game first introduced by Kahneman et al. (1986) and refined by Forsythe et al. (1994). In this game, the Responder, now called the Recipient, is not given the option to accept or refuse the amount given by the Proposer. If the Proposer is motivated by self-interested alone, they will offer nothing to the Recipient but as many experiments have shown, this is not always the case. Henrich et al. (2001) find that in most dictator game experiments there is a primary mode offer of zero percent of the Proposers total wealth and a secondary mode offer of 50 percent. Some groups show a primary mode offer of 20 percent and a secondary mode of 50 percent providing strong evidence of inequity aversion. In addition to supporting the notion that man is not exclusively self-interested, studies also confirm that fear of reciprocity is present i n the Ultimatum Game and that Proposers apply backwards induction with average offers being lower in the Dictator Game (Roth et al. 1991). The Trust Game, developed by Berg et al. (1995) is a game that can be used to test the presence of altruism, inequity aversion, reciprocity and its namesake, trust. The game is played with an Investor and a Trustee, with the former being given an initial endowment of X and the latter given nothing. The Investor is then able to give any amount Y between 0 and X. The amount the Trustee receives will be tripled, amounting to 3Y. The Trustee is then given the option to give any amount Z between 0 and 3Y back to the Investor thereby making the payoffs of the Investor and the Trustee X – Y + Z and 3Y – Z respectively. The Trustee is under no monetary incentive to return any amount and as such, under strictly self-interested preferences the Investor will predict this and give the Trustee nothing but, as with the Ultimatum and Dictator Games, studies show that many players of the Trust Game deviate from this equilibrium. Berg et al. (1995) find that almost all Investors give so me amount of money to the Trustee and that a substantial number of Trustees return at least the same amount and that a third even returned more than they received. The amount returned also increases with the amount given thus supporting the theory that reciprocity is an integral part of many preference sets. Investors and Trustees are able to display inequity aversion by choosing to give or return amounts that will equalise final payoffs. Trustees can also display altruism by returning anything over and above the amount needed to equalise payoffs. It is interesting to note that there is substantial variation in the amounts given, with no clear average amount entrusted. The variation is not unsurprising, however, given the inherent inconsistency in levels of trust that individuals demonstrate in their interactions with various individuals. In society, trust placed in an individual is dependent on who that individual is or, in other terms, trust placed is dependent on the perceived id entity of the individual in question. Identity Identity, at its most fundamental level, is at the base of all human interaction. For an individual to interact with another, the individual must have a clear concept of both himself and of the other. It is in the consideration of these two concepts that decisions are made. Descartes (1912:167) famously stated †¦I think, therefore I am, and in doing so sparked off the philosophical debate on what truly directs our thoughts and actions. Hume (1888) further develops this by exploring our perception of ourselves, our identity. It was his belief that we can only perceive ourselves, and build our identity, by categorisation in the light of selected characteristics and never perceive our true reality in objective terms. It is out-with the bounds of this study to discuss in depth the sociological and psychological complexities of this topic, yet it is worth-while bringing to light some key concepts to further the understanding of the interactions between this studys participants. An identity is a tool of recognition. It allows us to recognise individuals, categories, groups and types of individuals, Wiley (1994:130). More than this, it is also a tool of categorisation and emotional cues. It implies a conscious awareness by members of a group, some positive or negative emotional feelings towards the characteristics which members of a group perceive themselves as sharing and in which they perceive themselves as differing from others, Mennell (1994:177). Goffman (1968) further expounds these aspects of recognition by dividing identity into three sections: the personal identity, the ego identity and the social identity. The personal identity is the unique identification that each individual possesses to differentiate themselves technically, legally and realistically from all others. The ego identity is a purely subjective observation that is built from a multitude of social experiences and is a sense of ones own particular state and nature. The social identity pr ovides a way of categorising people and connects each person with a set of attributes and characteristics thought to be in keeping with the members of their respective categories. Individuals that possess commonalities in the form of thought, action, nature, experience or lifestyle can all be grouped into various social identities. Examples of social identities are nationality, gender, music-taste, age, profession and political views. It is important to stress that while individuals may only hold one personal and ego identity, they are able to juggle multiple social identities which have varying degrees of focus from situation to situation. Akerlof and Kranton (2000) put forward the theorem that our perception of our ego identity can have a significant influence on our decisions and actions. Their theorem sheds light on a number of seemingly irrational choices. Actions that are of apparent detriment to an individual can be viewed as a form of behaviour that it used to create a more unique self identity. Similarly, steps may be taken to symbolise the assumption of a particular identity or the membership of a certain group, be they conscious or otherwise. Men do not generally wear dresses, and as such this behavioural code is unconsciously subscribed to by the majority of men. Any behaviour to the contrary poses a challenge not merely to the social norm, but to the identity of manhood itself. Attempts to manipulate an individuals decisions can be based on the notion of identity. In order to influence people to buy their products, companies create advertisements that often show a stylised form of a particular identity that people may aspire to. Finally, as identity can play such a large role in determining our economic decisions and behaviour, and assuming that individuals can choose their own identity, Akerlof and Kranton (2000) conclude that identity choices can be a major factor in a persons overall economic well-being, a conclusion strengthened by the theory of role-identities. It is difficult to determine to what extent our identity is prescriptive or descriptive in relation to our own actions, but nevertheless the dual concepts of identity and role are deeply interconnected. Lyman and Scott (1970:136) clarify this link by stating that roles are identities mobilised in a specific situation; whereas role is always situationally specific, identities are trans-situational. By assuming an identity, we also assume a role. Despite that the fact that this role varies from situation to situation, it is at all times consistent with the assumed identity. It is from this notion that expectations and metaperspectives are formed. Laing et al. (1966) pioneered the belief that it is not I but you that is important. More specifically they claimed that we are all deeply influenced by considering our view of others view of ourselves and in such a way develop a role-performance that conforms to the expectation others have of our behaviour so as to receive positive feedback o r avoid negative feedback. In order to assess these expectations and act accordingly, we must first judge what these expectations are. With strangers, this is problematic, and as such we orient ourselves toward them in terms only of the ill-specified contours of their social roles, (McCall and Simmons, 1978:70). In this respect, we are only able to form rough estimations of a persons true identity and thereby rely on our perception of how they fit into vague boundaries of social identities. When we perceive people this way, our perception of the attributes they possess as ascribed by their social identity is often completely arbitrary when viewed in the context of an objective character analysis. The perception and reality can at times be poles apart, decreasing in accuracy with increasing social distance. Identities and Social Preferences Akerlof (1997) defined social distance as a measure of social proximity between individuals. The model he created summarises that people gain benefits from interacting to those socially closer to themselves, with these benefits decreasing with isolation. This model is supported by empirical evidence that suggests that trust and reciprocity are linked with social connection and that members of the same nationality and race exhibit greater degrees of these attributes towards one another (Glaeser et al. 1999). A common method of analysing social distance is through the construction of groups in experiments and many studies of this kind have provided quite significant results. Studying the effects of group membership on cooperation, Orbell et al. (1988) find that subjects are far more likely to cooperate with in-group members than out-group members, with 79% of participants showing cooperation with the former and only 30% showing cooperation with the latter. Through using a variation on the dictator game, Frey and Bohnet (1997) also showed how group membership affects social preferences. The experiment observed that in-group members were allocated far more of the total endowment than out-group members suggesting some correlation with membership and altruism and inequity aversion. An important finding of the literature on the topic of group membership is that subjects react to membership in a very subjective manner, disregarding objective considerations. Billing and Tajfel (1973) observe that the even most minimal connections within a group still give rise to in-group positive discrimination. Although subjects realised that the basis of group composition wa s entirely random, they still discriminated toward their fellow members in a very significant way. The fact that the weakest bonds are able to create positive in-group interaction is an important consideration when examining the relation between perceptions of social identity and expressions of social preferences. While group membership is a powerful force, transnational studies have shown that the cooperation inducing group mentality is not a universally consistent attribute. Buchan, Croson and Johnson (1999) find that subjects from the U.S. are more trusting when paired with in-group members but that this is not the case for subjects from China and Japan, who are more trusting in general, regardless of whom they were paired with. Buchan and Croson (1999) also find variations across genders observing that although participants trust men and women equally, women are seen to reciprocate more than men in Trust Games and are more generous in Dictator Games, findings that are consistent internationally. Another consistency that was found across nationalities in this study was the effect that communication between players had on trust and reciprocation levels, a conclusion also mirrored in other experiments. Roth (1995) found that even simple, seemingly irrelevant conversations significantly increa sed the levels of these social preferences. Regardless of variations across nationality, gender and communication levels, it is apparent that there is a clear connection between identity and social preferences. As we categorise individuals into social categories, we not only presume they possess certain qualities and attributes but we also predict how they react. In the same way we use metaperspectives to shape our own actions based on vague notions of the social identities of others, we also use these imperfect images to form inherently imperfect expectations of future interactions. The perception and reality can at times be irreconcilable and yet any initial interaction uses this as its basis. McCall and Simmons (1978) put forward the idea that any interaction that takes place is solely based on images that are constructed in the minds of those interacting. Taking into account the inaccuracy of these constructs when strangers interact, we can see how this translates into the laymans term of prejudice, a concept closely linke d with trust. The concept of trust, as mentioned earlier is based on confidence and at the heart of confidence is a deep reliance on predictions and expectations which are in turn based on the rough identities that we perceive others to possess. This results in great variance in trust levels which, although proven in studies referred to above, is readily seen in everyday life. Trust can be unquestioned with interactions with family members and friends but displayed with lesser and lesser extents to strangers and those who we perceive as untrustworthy. Just as signalling is used in the employment markets, so it is in our trust-dependant interactions. One may ask a well-dressed, polite and friendly stranger to watch over some personal belongings in a library but may be loath to leave anything unattended when in the presence of hooded youth. The hood can be seen as a signal that the wearer is dangerous and cannot be trusted. It is perceived as the expression of an identity, the perception of which ca n influence our attitudes and behaviour. The studies above also show that identity can greatly affect reciprocity, inequity aversion and altruism. Experiments based around group membership, however minimal, show the great influence groups have on these social preferences. One explanation of this is the concept of metaperspectives, in that individuals are more generous in experimental games because they believe that their counterpart expects them to be. Akerlofs (1997:1008) model of social distance also sheds some light on this by theorising that individuals benefit from lesser amounts of social distance between them and thus have the incentive to conform to expectations, what he labels The Conformist Model. A reduction of social distance between players can also be achieved by perceived acts of kindness and so experimental game players may be willing to sacrifice monetary gains so as to achieve social gains with another player. This incentive however, is again based on social distance and those players who feel socially far apart may feel no need to become socially closer, a feeling that is ultimately merely based on their perception of the current social distance and social identities. Two significant ways in which individuals identify themselves and others is by their nationality and gender. At the outset of mankinds evolution, gender has been a universal divider of the human race, preceding all other identities. Rooted in our biology, gender is the simplest form of classification, but its implications are far more wide-reaching than simple physiology. To the opposite sex, gender implies certain generalised roles, attitudes, commitments, experiences and lifestyles. The source of such clear social stereotypes is only in part biological and many academics are of the belief that behavioural and psychological differences are created and perpetuated by unbalanced power and privilege structures in society (Flax 1990). The amplification of social distance is caused by the notion that qualities are gender specific, with masculinity and femininity being attributes in themselves, and the fact that men and women are commonly associated with their relative positions in both f amily life and work life. Lockheed (1985) supposes that women are conceived as compliant followers and men dominant leaders only because of the common minority and majority balance that is common in social and work situations. The large disparity between the social identity and actual realities of members of the opposite sex provides a good opportunity to explore to what extent interaction is based on unqualified perceptions and to map the effect of variations in this perception. Unlike gender identities, nationalism is a relatively new force in the world (Smith 1995). It can be seen as a group identity that has transcended some cultures, as seen in the ethnically diverse nations such as India and Russia, but divided others as seen in the cases of North and South Korea and the Taiwanese and Chinese separation and is manifested in positive discrimination towards fellow nationals and negative discrimination towards foreigners (Macesich, 1985). Breton (1964:378) notes that governments utilise nationalistic instruments†¦ for the purpose of increasing the share of assets in a given assets in a given territory owned by the nationals of that territory. Breton (1964) also observes that nationalistic redistribution of investment and capital results in a lower rate of return than would be realised if resources were allocated efficiently, an observation that draws parallels with the nature of social preferences on a much larger scale. The practice of promoting thes e nationalistic policies that are not beneficial to certain population segments is centred on the formation of a nation-wide group identity that promotes solidarity in the same way that smaller scale groups do. The membership of these nation-groups is defined according to several commonalities. Members share an economy, a historic territory, myths and memories, a public culture, and a set of legal rights (Smith 1991). What is clear from this definition is the lack of consistent personal characteristics, illustrating that members of a nation-group vary considerably in their social and personal identities. The minimal nature of the nation-group is accepted by many academics, some seeing nationalism as an ironic tool that encourages members to appreciate things that are national for the mere fact that it is national (Breton 1964). Karl Deutsch (1969:3) aptly described a nation as a group of people united by a common error about their ancestry and a common dislike of their neighbours, evoking the notion that national identity is a predominately social construct inaccurately perceived to be connected to common characteristics, descent and preferences. (Smith 1996) stresses that the perception of ones own nationality and that of others is inherently only emotional, implying a subjective disregard for objective considerations that results in large social distances between foreigners and nationals, and smaller social distances between nationals. However erroneous, the very substantial influence nationality exerts can be seen through the stereotypical actions of distrusting of foreigners and supporting fellow country-men, making nationality another excellent candidate identity to examine how variations in perceived identity cause variations in the social preferences displayed. Experimental Design and Implementation It is social identity and its inherently variable quality that is at the heart of this study. It is this studys aim to discover in what way the perception of this identity can affect the extent that social preferences are displayed and whether or not a shift of focus from one form of social identity to another will cause a change in degree of social preferences manifested. Given its ability to expose these preferences, an extension of the Trust Game is used

Coming Full Circle in Anna Karenina Essay -- Literary Analysis

What happens when you cut yourself off from society, or are cut off by it? This is the main question that Leo Tolstoy explores in Anna Karenina. Isolated from society, Anna is destroyed by a conflict of wills. The desire of the individual is forced to give way to society’s restrictions and requirements, represented in the image of the railroad. Those who do not conform to society will ultimately face death, a fate, that both Anna and Vronsky will not be able to outrun as a consequence of their illegitimate relationship. Besides personifying the necessity of living within society’s realm of expectations, the railroad serves a central role in the organizational plan of the novel. The major railway scenes can be interpreted as pillars supporting the structure of the novel by connecting the Anna/Vronsky storyline. It is at a railway station where Anna is introduced to Vronsky, where he admits his love to her and where Anna makes her first and last appearance. The recurrence of motifs and the final return to initial associations within Anna Karenina serve to create the symmetrical architecture of the work. The first mention of the railroad is in context of children and their games, which serves as a premonition of the events to come. The children who are aware of the current distraught household are playing with a box, representing a train. Stiva’s eldest girl is heard telling off her younger sibling, telling him that â€Å"[she] told [him] not to put the passengers on the roof†, instructing him to â€Å"[pick them up !† (Anna Karenina p.7). The children’s games foreshadow not only the accident at the station but Anna’s suicide at the conclusion of the novel. ... ... As a result of Anna’s willingness to abandon her home and husband to build her happiness on other human being’s suffering. Anna’s action causes Kitty to suffer heartbreak as she loses Vronsky, the man she loved, to Anna. In addition, Anna and Vronsky’s relationship breaks up Anna and Karenin’s marriage and causes Serezha to grow up without his mother’s presence. The wrath of society punishes Anna for her sin by crushing her, metaphorically as well as literally. Bibliography Tolstoy, Leo. Anna Karenina. Translated by Yuri Corrigan. London: Genius Translators Press, 1999. Bayley, John. Tolstoy and the Novel. London, 1966. Gustafson, Richard. Leo Tolstoy: Resident and Stranger. Princeton, 1986. Jahn, Gary. The Image of the Railroad in Anna Karenina. The Slavic and East European Journal Vol. 25, No. 2 (Summer, 1981), pp. 1-10